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Catalog Record: A politics of tensions : the Articles of | HathiTrust Digital Library

Recognizing that the Articles were insufficient to govern this new country, the states decided to call a Constitutional Convention in to meet in Philadelphia. The major debate between the 55 delegates at the convention was over the type of legislature.

The Constitution, the Articles, and Federalism: Crash Course US History #8

Delegates of larger states called for seats in the legislature to be determined proportionally by population, while smaller states wanted each state, no matter the population, to have equal representation in Congress. Ultimately, the delegates would compromise by having a bicameral, or two-house, legislature, which included a House of Representatives determined by population and a Senate where each state had just two representatives. James Madison, architect of the compromise, would argue in "Federalist No.

The second major issue was between northern and southern states over the issue of slavery. Many of the northern states sought to ban slavery entirely, and, failing that, at least to ban the importation of new slaves. A compromise was reached whereby Congress could legislate against the slave trade, but not until , effectively protecting the trade for another 20 years, during which time there was a substantial rise in the importation of slaves into the South. Additionally, when determining each state's number of seats in the House of Representatives, southern states such as South Carolina wanted their slave population to count towards their total share of representatives, even though the slaves had no legal rights as citizens.

In addition to these two compromises, the delegates had to convince the states themselves to ratify the new document, even though it would give the central government more power at the states' expense, in contrast to the Articles. Politiphobes, according to Hibbing and Theiss-Morse, believe policy should be made not by messy political conflict and negotiations but by ensid s: empathetic, non-self-interested decision makers. These are leaders who will step forward, cast aside cowardly politicians and venal special interests, and implement long-overdue solutions. Whether the process is democratic is not particularly important.

Chances are that politiphobes have been out there since long before Hibbing and Theiss-Morse identified them in In , Barack Obama pandered to a center-left version of the same fantasy, promising to magically transcend partisan politics and implement the best solutions from both parties.

No previous outbreak, however, compares with the latest one, which draws unprecedented virulence from two developments. One is a steep rise in antipolitical sentiment, especially on the right. According to polling by Pew, from to early the percentage of Americans saying they would be less likely to vote for a presidential candidate who had been an elected official in Washington for many years than for an outsider candidate more than doubled, from 15 percent to 31 percent.

The other development, of course, was Donald Trump, the perfect vector to concentrate politiphobic sentiment, intensify it, and inject it into presidential politics. He had too much money and free media to be spent out of the race. He had no political record to defend. He had no political debts or party loyalty. He had no compunctions.

There was nothing to restrain him from sounding every note of the politiphobic fantasy with perfect pitch. Democrats have not been immune, either. Like Trump, he was a self-sufficient outsider without customary political debts or party loyalty. Like Trump, he neither acknowledged nor cared—because his supporters neither acknowledged nor cared—that his plans for governing were delusional.

That three of the four final presidential contenders in were political sociopaths is a sign of how far chaos syndrome has gone. The old, mediated system selected such people out. The new, disintermediated system seems to be selecting them in. There is nothing new about political insurgencies in the United States—nor anything inherently wrong with them. Just the opposite, in fact: Insurgencies have brought fresh ideas and renewed participation to the political system since at least the time of Andrew Jackson. There is also nothing new about insiders losing control of the presidential nominating process.

Insurgents have fair gripes. Incumbents should be challenged. Who are you, Mr. The problem is not, however, that disruptions happen.

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Trying to quash political disruptions would probably only create more of them. The trick is to be able to govern through them. Leave aside the fact that Goldwater and McGovern, although ideologues, were estimable figures within their parties. McGovern actually co-chaired a Democratic Party commission that rewrote the nominating rules after , opening the way for his own campaign. Neither of them, either as senator or candidate, wanted to or did disrupt the ordinary workings of government.

For me, however, brought a wake-up call. The system was failing even when there was a working majority. People still debate why the package fell apart, and there is blame enough to go around. The problem was not polarization; it was disorganization. A latent majority could not muster and assert itself. You learn that a leader without followers is simply a man taking a walk.

Boehner was right. One can argue about particulars, and Congress does better on some occasions than on others. Overall, though, minority factions and veto groups are becoming ever more dominant on Capitol Hill as leaders watch their organizational capacity dribble away. No wonder Paul Ryan, in his first act as speaker, remonstrated with his own colleagues against chaos. Nevertheless, by spring the new speaker was bogged down.

Who could? Chaos becomes the new normal.

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Being a disorder of the immune system, chaos syndrome magnifies other problems, turning political head colds into pneumonia. Take polarization.

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Over the past few decades, the public has become sharply divided across partisan and ideological lines. Chaos syndrome compounds the problem, because even when Republicans and Democrats do find something to work together on, the threat of an extremist primary challenge funded by a flood of outside money makes them think twice—or not at all. Opportunities to make bipartisan legislative advances slip away. Or take the new technologies that are revolutionizing the media. A figure like Sanders can use the Internet to reach millions of donors without recourse to traditional fund-raising sources.

Outside groups, friendly and unfriendly alike, can drown out political candidates in their own races. Disintermediating technologies bring fresh voices into the fray, but they also bring atomization and cacophony. To organize coherent plays amid swarms of attack ads, middlemen need to be able to coordinate the fund-raising and messaging of candidates and parties and activists—which is what they are increasingly hard-pressed to do. Assembling power to govern a sprawling, diverse, and increasingly divided democracy is inevitably hard.

Chaos syndrome makes it all the harder. For Democrats, the disorder is merely chronic; for the Republican Party, it is acute. Bush might prove to be the last Republican president.

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Nearly everyone panned party regulars for not stopping Trump much earlier, but no one explained just how the party regulars were supposed to have done that. Stopping an insurgency requires organizing a coalition against it, but an incapacity to organize is the whole problem. The reality is that the levers and buttons parties and political professionals might once have pulled and pushed had long since been disconnected. Restrictions inhibiting the parties from coordinating with their own candidates serve to encourage political wildcatting, so repeal them.

Limits on donations to the parties drive money to unaccountable outsiders, so lift them. Restoring the earmarks that help grease legislative success requires nothing more than a change in congressional rules. And there are all kinds of ways the parties could move insiders back to the center of the nomination process. If they wanted to, they could require would-be candidates to get petition signatures from elected officials and county party chairs, or they could send unbound delegates to their conventions as several state parties are doing this year , or they could enhance the role of middlemen in a host of other ways.

So let them. Then they can do their job, thereby making the world safe for challengers and insurgencies.

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  8. Unfortunately, although the mechanics of de-rigging are fairly straightforward, the politics of it are hard. The public is wedded to an anti-establishment narrative. The political-reform community is invested in direct participation, transparency, fund-raising limits on parties, and other elements of the anti-intermediation worldview. The establishment, to the extent that there still is such a thing, is demoralized and shattered, barely able to muster an argument for its own existence.

    But there are optimistic signs, too. Liberals in the campaign-finance-reform community are showing new interest in strengthening the parties. Academics and commentators are getting a good look at politics without effective organizers and cohesive organizations, and they are terrified. On Capitol Hill, conservatives and liberals alike are on board with restoring regular order in Congress.

    In Washington, insiders have had some success at reorganizing and pushing back. No Senate Republican was defeated by a primary challenger in , in part because then—Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, a machine politician par excellence, created a network of business allies to counterpunch against the Tea Party. Because that problem is mental, not mechanical, it really is hard to remedy. Populism, individualism, and a skeptical attitude toward politics are all healthy up to a point, but America has passed that point.

    Political professionals and parties have many shortcomings to answer for—including, primarily on the Republican side, their self-mutilating embrace of anti-establishment rhetoric—but relentlessly bashing them is no solution. Meet pint-size future grand masters at the Elementary Chess Championships. The Ukraine scandal confirms that Trump knows he can act with impunity—and no one will stop him. In June, President Donald Trump was enjoying a rare respite from scandal.

    Mueller had agreed to abide by Department of Justice guidance that the president could not be indicted for violating any criminal law. Stephanopoulos asked him: What if another foreign government offered him dirt on an opponent in ? What would Trump do? A year ago, the year-old Swedish climate activist began striking from school each Friday to protest climate inaction; last Friday, she gave a speech to hundreds of thousands of people in New York, at the Global Climate Strike, which was inspired by her protest.

    It is always at least a little unfortunate to see a young person become an icon—it robs them of the privacy of growing up. But Thunberg is an especially flummoxing figure. She looks younger than her years, yet her speeches take a shaming, authoritative tone that is, at the very least, unusual for a child. But then I found myself in need of help. The Israeli leader has long marketed himself as an essential diplomatic asset.

    That pitch is wearing thin. Netanyahu is in a different league , the ads read. This politically potent character trait allows the president to do things that would have pricked the conscience of other political leaders. I gripped the hull, shivering in the early-spring air, and watched our progress toward the rose-shaped metal platform floating on the surface of Lake Stechlin, one of the deepest lakes in northern Germany.

    After a few minutes of rowing, we bumped against the side of the rosette. Bauchrowitz and I secured the boat and climbed out. Beneath the blue sky and puffy clouds, beneath the shiny platform and the dark, choppy waves, is another world—invisible in daylight and, more important, in darkness. We stood on a floating plastic pontoon anchored among 24 aluminum cylinders, each protruding a few inches above the surface so that they resembled connected rings, like the petals of a flower. Each is a miniature ecosystem. They are, essentially, giant test tubes, each the size of a grain silo, nestled in Lake Stechlin.

    Many delegates believed that the federal government should be able to overrule state laws, but others feared that a strong federal government would oppress their citizens. The delegates compromised by allotting specific responsibilities to the federal government while delegating all other functions to the states.

    Having fought a war against tyranny, Americans were suspicious of executive power. The Convention held no fewer than 60 votes before the delegates agreed upon the Electoral College as the method of selecting the president. However, unspoken among the delegates was the knowledge that George Washington would become the first president , and they trusted him to define the office.

    Under the Articles of Confederation, the individual states competed against each other economically. They issued their own currencies and even levied taxes on each other's goods when they passed over state lines. Delegates like Washington, Madison , and Hamilton believed that promoting the free flow of commerce across state lines and nationalizing the economy would lead to America's becoming an economic powerhouse.

    Washington Library Founder Dr. Douglas Bradburn discusses the state of the American economy after the….